globalchange  > 气候变化事实与影响
DOI: doi:10.1038/nclimate2375
论文题名:
Managing the climate commons at the nexus of ecology, behaviour and economics
作者: Alessandro Tavoni
刊名: Nature Climate Change
ISSN: 1758-1100X
EISSN: 1758-7220
出版年: 2014-11-26
卷: Volume:4, 页码:Pages:1057;1063 (2014)
语种: 英语
英文关键词: Climate-change ecology ; Interdisciplinary studies ; Climate-change policy ; Environmental economics
英文摘要:

Sustainably managing coupled ecological–economic systems requires not only an understanding of the environmental factors that affect them, but also knowledge of the interactions and feedback cycles that operate between resource dynamics and activities attributable to human intervention. The socioeconomic dynamics, in turn, call for an investigation of the behavioural drivers behind human action. We argue that a multidisciplinary approach is needed in order to tackle the increasingly pressing and intertwined environmental challenges faced by modern societies. Academic contributions to climate change policy have been constrained by methodological and terminological differences, so we discuss how programmes aimed at cross-disciplinary education and involvement in governance may help to unlock scholars' potential to propose new solutions.

Dealing with climate change requires enhanced integration between ecology and economics, but such partnerships are also essential in addressing a wide range of challenges in achieving a sustainable future1. Many recipes for preserving the Earth's climate from dangerous change have been proposed. The delayed damaging effect of greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions and their transboundary nature (independently of the source, all emissions increase the world's stock of concentrations) aggravate the problem. Hence prescriptions for addressing the global external cost arising from human activity are bound to be multifaceted and to rely on various instruments and methodologies. Traditional theories of collective action have, until recently, shed a pessimistic light on the prospects of self-organization in limiting the use of communal resources to a sustainable level. This is in part due to Hardin's 'tragedy of the commons', whose policy implication was to rely on coercion in the form of either privatization or government intervention2, 3. Although more recent work has demonstrated that under a wide range of circumstances, communities are able to self-restrain and avoid resource overexploitation4, global cooperation at the scale required to reduce emissions and decarbonize the economy may be difficult to sustain without sanctions. In fact, the present lack of a supranational institution for regulating global carbon emissions sets the stage for free-riding, that is, individual countries have an incentive to delay curbing emissions and rely on the mitigation efforts of others.

Does this gloomy picture change when we shift attention from gradual global warming to abrupt changes in the climate system, that is, drastic and potentially irreversible ecological shifts? The threat of an impending low-probability, high-impact disaster might be imagined to be a stimulus to mitigation efforts. One might think that humanity would rise to the challenge of a rapid transition to a carbon-free economy once alerted by early warning signals such as the climate system has been providing us; but that has not been the case. Inaction remains the norm, and delaying the economic costs of mitigation, while engaging in repeated rounds of negotiations without addressing the root causes of global warming, is common practice. Even with agreement, 'solutions' might not be achievable. We may have already passed a critical threshold, such as the 350 parts per million by volume atmospheric CO2 required to safeguard polar ice sheets5. Even if we haven't already crossed a planetary boundary for dangerous climatic change, we must still be able to identify future early warning signals and collectively agree on large-scale action in the face of incentives for individual countries to free-ride. Lastly, should a global agreement be struck in response to a perceived threat, uncertainty regarding the amount of time and the degree of effort required to reverse course and contain atmospheric CO2 within a safe operating space will persist. Clearly, we need to develop and implement a framework for global cooperative action that is robust to structural scientific uncertainties (as well as to uncertainty about societal responses to mitigation policies). Collective action can resolve commons problems at smaller scales4, 6; the challenge is in extending those principles to achieve enforceable agreements among nations towards a sustainable future7.

Threshold uncertainty surfaces in the latest IPCC Summary for Policymakers8. The authors state that:

“There is high confidence that sustained warming greater than some threshold would lead to the near-complete loss of the Greenland ice sheet over a millennium or more, causing a global mean sea level rise of up to 7 m. Current estimates indicate that the threshold is greater than about 1 °C (low confidence) but less than about 4 °C (medium confidence) global mean warming with respect to pre-industrial.”

In sum, obstacles to climate cooperation are compounded by deep scientific uncertainty concerning the timing and magnitude of climate change impacts9, 10. Avoiding a tipping point leading to catastrophic climate events is much more difficult when its location is hard to pinpoint11, a feature that cannot be disregarded, given the recently reported plurality of thresholds for abrupt climate change5, 12, 13. Furthermore, the link between emissions and climate change is also subject to error propagation14, meaning that we cannot attribute with certainty an emergency to increases in climate radiative forcing. Yet, the evidence that long-lived global warming can be attributed to anthropogenic causes is strong8.

How can science inform the debate on reaching an international agreement to keep temperature increases within acceptable boundaries? More broadly, what type of science–society interface is conducive to better management of global environmental commons? An interdisciplinary effort is needed to address policy-relevant problems and explore appropriate economic instruments to deal with present-day environmental concerns15. The time is ripe for economists and ecologists, along with other physical and social scientists, to join forces to analyse individual and collective behaviour with the lens that is most appropriate given the research question at hand, rather than within disciplinary boundaries16. The insular nature of the social sciences and their especially tenuous academic link with ecology and Earth sciences (Fig. 1), have hindered the study of coupled social–ecological systems. Progress has been made in bridging the gaps1, 16, 17, 18, 19, but collaborations across the sciences need to identify better the intertwined drivers of successful commons' management.

Figure 1: Insular social sciences.
Insular social sciences.

Hierarchical map of science, which splits scholarship by clustering 9.2 million journal citations from the 2007 Thomson–Reuters Journal Citation Report into four disciplines99. Arrows indicate citation traffic for the most important links, with larger, darker arrows indicating higher citation volume.

Ecology is concerned with complexity and non-equilibrium dynamics, and economic tools allow investigation of the anthropogenic impact on the environment beyond simple representative-agent models. Colander et al.21 state that “Evolutionary game theory has been credited for redefining how institutions are integrated into the analysis, behavioural economics for shedding light on how rationality is treated and experimental economics for changing the way economists think about empirical work.” The examples below show that while traditions are different (environmental economics is grounded in the theory of optimization and externalities, whereas ecology tends to focus on systems as adaptive and path-dependent), the methods are compatible22. Similarly, the different orientations to efficiency versus stability are not mutually exclusive, and can often be reconciled. Indeed, the similar trade-offs between current performance and adaptability, exploitation and exploration, and so on, are central themes across disciplines — from behavioural economics to the theory of life-history evolution, to consideration of the fundamental roles of mutation and recombination in evolution23.

At the core, ecological systems are in many ways special cases of economic systems, and vice versa, with both featuring competition for resources, parasitism, exploitation and cooperation. Ecological and economic systems alike self-organize through selection among and transformational dynamics of the units that make them up, from individuals to larger ensembles. It is not surprising, therefore, that the methods developed in one context can elucidate patterns and processes in the other; conversely, restricting attention to either the economic or the environmental system alone will inevitably bias the analysis by disregarding feedbacks between the two24. As Shogren and Crocker25 put it, in the context of species survival, “Assessing the risk to species and setting a minimum acceptable probability of survival are economic as well as biological problems.”

Evolutionary dynamics. A prime example of overlap and complementarity is found in the literature on the evolution of cooperation26, in which methodology and approaches have flowed freely across disciplinary boundaries. For instance, adaptive schemes such as replicator dynamics have been used both by economists and biologists to study common-pool resources27, 28. While equilibrium analysis is a principal tool for economists, evolutionary economics emphasizes non-equilibrium trajectories, without assuming that efficiency can be assessed in the absence of distributional metrics29. Here, we use the term 'evolution' to include a variety of mechanisms of change, whether genetic or behavioural in nature. The methods of game theory, which have their roots in economics30, have been adapted and developed in the evolutionary theory literature31, and subsequently made their way back into economics in modified form. The synergies from such cross-fertilization should be a model for other approaches.

Dynamical systems, game theory and tipping points. Dynamical systems theory is the standard starting point for modelling temporal changes in ecological and economic systems32. Management approaches rely on the choice of functions or parameters in such models to optimize performance characteristics. However, when interacting agents are involved, optimization approaches give way to game theory, which can be used to analyse cooperation in global commons such as the climate, both theoretically and experimentally (for example, in prisoner's dilemma and public goods games)11, 33. Furthermore, the application of game theory to international environmental agreements has provided significant insights with respect to the provision of transboundary public goods, such as abatement of GHGs34, 35.

Focus on tipping points in dynamical systems enjoyed wide attention thanks to the popular book by Gladwell36, but the topic has long attracted scientific interest, from the successes of the theory of phase transitions in physics37 to the less successful program of catastrophe theory38, 39. More recent work on critical transitions in a wide variety of dynamical systems addresses problems of fundamental importance across ecological and economic systems. This work holds the promise of providing methodology to anticipate transitions as well as to design principles that can help avoiding undesirable regime shifts, though again care must be exercised to avoid overreaching40, 41, 42. Lakes can flip from oligotrophic to eutrophic states, vegetation systems from grasslands to forests, and financial systems from growth to recession or depression43, 44. Analogous transitions can also undermine (or enhance) regimes of cooperation regarding common-pool resources, presenting challenges for the management of the commons27, 45, 46. This is a promising area for future collaboration between natural and social scientists.

Agent-based models. Traditional methods rely heavily on analytical techniques, and usually on numerical solutions. In most cases, however, what can be done analytically is limited to models of reduced dimensionality, and such analyses must be complemented by simulations and agent-based modelling. These are useful adjuncts to parsimonious analytical efforts that, while illuminating in the analysis of basic incentives, may not be best suited to investigate more complex interactions. The ability of an agent to win trust and reciprocate the efforts of others is key to explaining cooperation, and individual-based models can tackle some of the underlying complexity. In the context of climate cooperation, Elinor Ostrom observed that agents at levels below the nation-state can also be important to international climate change policy47. She and Vincent Ostrom suggested that the trust gained and lessons learned by many parallel actions, by agents at various scales ('polycentric governance'), are more likely to bring about progress than is waiting for a comprehensive international treaty among states48.

The techniques of agent-based models hold tremendous potential for investigating the interactions among large numbers of agents, and for the development of rules for scaling from the microscopic details of individual interactions to the emergent properties of large ensembles. Building models with huge numbers of free parameters increases the uncertainty in prediction, making the development of approaches to achieve an appropriate 'statistical mechanics' for the interactions among large numbers of agents essential. Traditionally, in fluid mechanics for example, moment closure and related methods are useful in this regard49, and newer methods are available when moment closure is too difficult50; so far, such approaches have received little attention in the social sciences (but see ref. 51).

The problem of scale and emergence. An essential area of complementarity between economics and ecology involves sustainable development and the physical dimensions of the economy52. At the core of sustainability issues are problems of distribution — of physical and biological properties across ecosystems and biomes, and of resource availability across individuals, nations, and time. These challenges raise issues of organizational, temporal and spatial scale that cut across disciplines. Ecologists are concerned with scale, and emergent features of population dynamics and ecosystem robustness and resilience53, 54. These concepts are implicit in the distinctions between micro- and macroeconomics, have been widely explored in some contexts in economics55, have inspired new subfields such as the 'new economic geography', and are drawing increasing attention in the economic literature56. Ecological models have long been incorporated in the theory of renewable resources in environmental economics57, 58, and recently for the analysis of exhaustible resources59, 60. These involve issues of scaling from individual incentives to system-wide consequences and back. Increasingly, linkages between local and global drivers need to be forecasted to account for such interdependencies. In the words of Barnosky and colleagues, “to minimize biological surprises that would adversely impact humanity, it is essential to improve biological forecasting by anticipating critical transitions that can emerge on a planetary scale and understanding how such global forcings cause local changes”61. We next review some recent academic advances that may help with the task.

Modern science is breaking strict disciplinary boundaries. The last decades have witnessed what some have termed the complexity revolution in economics21, 62; it is asserted62 that “modern economics can no longer usefully be described as 'neoclassical', but is much better described as complexity economics”, which “embraces rather than assumes away the complexities of social interaction.” Below we present some examples of progress along these lines that is already under way, focusing on tools and concepts that, while more mainstream in ecology and Earth sciences, have only recently surfaced in the social sciences.

The economy as a complex system. Economics has lately devoted much attention to threshold effects in environmental responses to human activities. Much can be learned from ecology and the literature on regime shifts and early warning mechanisms40, 41, 46, 61. Furthermore, the concept of robustness or resilience is highly relevant for ecological dynamics63, economy-environment dynamics64, as well as networked (interdependent) socioeconomic systems65, 66. Progress has also been made towards finding unifying processes in biology. Brown's metabolic theory strives to present a unified theory of “biological processing of energy and materials” in ecosystems, enabling evaluation of anthropogenic pressure on the diversity of organisms, and more generally of the connection between the complex function played by individuals embedded in ecosystems and the drivers of individuals' functioning (such as temperature, size and abundance of nutrients)67. Metabolic theory inspired work in subjects as diverse as societal metabolism and urban metabolism, evidence that the once common paradigm of assuming away complexity in theoretical modelling in order to achieve analytical rigour needs not be the only one. Increased computing power at more affordable prices also means that fewer compromises need now be made when modelling complex systems.

Recent cross-disciplinary efforts have started

URL: http://www.nature.com/nclimate/journal/v4/n12/full/nclimate2375.html
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资源类型: 期刊论文
标识符: http://119.78.100.158/handle/2HF3EXSE/4928
Appears in Collections:气候变化事实与影响
科学计划与规划
气候变化与战略

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Alessandro Tavoni. Managing the climate commons at the nexus of ecology, behaviour and economics[J]. Nature Climate Change,2014-11-26,Volume:4:Pages:1057;1063 (2014).
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